Wednesday, August 20, 2008

Was this in Hadith?

“Justice is balance.” began Ra’s al Ghul, standing above the nearly crushed-to-death Bruce Wayne. “You burned my house and left me for dead. Consider us even.” Though we all thirst for the justice Ra’s and the League of Shadows promises, the more clever among us understand the deeply reactionary politics that underlie them. You can label him a fascist, or enlightened despot, take your pick. I actually agree with most of his tenants, just not his methodology and political epistemology. Despite my minute disagreement(s), I subscribe to his definition of justice. If you agree with the sentiment of balance equated with justice, then perhaps you will understand my confusion in when it comes to Kurt Westergaard.

Kurt Westergaard is the infamous Danish cartoonist who not only drew criticism for his illustration of the Prophet Mohammad, but assassination attempts. It is well known that nearly every right-wing party or organization in Europe has lauded and laughed at the cartoon depicting Mohammed with a lit bomb in his turban. Perhaps this is to the artist’s dismay. It can also be assumed that racist organizations have supported the cartoon and its re-prints. There is no question that the Western media has played this up as “irrational Islam” against “modest, objective free speech.” No mainstream media outlet has broken off from this sentiment, not even the liberal ones-which should be to no surprise of any cynic, critic, or left-opponent of the “War on Terror.”

On the other side of this, liberal, and radical critics have not viewed this as a simple matter of free speech versus rabid, radical Islamism. They see it as another way the uncritical media has supplanted right-wing and even racist rhetoric attacking Islam. When you see dubious anchors on CNN and FOX criticizing the reaction of Danish Imams, and Iranians Clerics you can only shake your head at the bigoted comments. When you see the same credulous news people talk about the virtues of liberty of freedom of speech, you can only cringe at their insincerity, because we are all aware of how much they have had a hand in suppressing/skewing information. The left could never side with such charlatans. However the basis of the left’s criticism is not so much empirical as it is ideological-an assurance and buffer against potentially pro-war commentary.

Any leftist, progressive or authentic humanitarian should disagree with the simple-minded, Anglo-centric analysis made by numerous pundits. But I argue that what has been put in its place is equally as useless, and in fact supplants something just as ill tempered. So says the Socialist worker in an article titled “Why Muslims are right to be Angry”:

THE PUBLICATION of cartoons depicting the prophet Muhammad in a Danish newspaper was a calculated racist provocation in a country where Muslim immigrants are increasingly under attack. The outrage expressed in demonstrations across the Muslim world is entirely justified.

Let us examine what is justified in this statement. Yes it is true that Muslims have been increasingly attacked culturally and socially all over the world over the years. There is no question regarding that. However was this really a calculated propaganda spree? I tend this disagree. And though you may ask yourself, “Why does it matter whether it was calculated or incidental racism?” I’ll explain later why. The Socialist Worker article goes on with a sweeping account of all the ills suffered by the global Muslim community, which there are many far too gruesome for me to even pretend that I can imagine. It discusses the rise of anti-Muslim rhetoric in Western Europe, and the empty apologies of Danish politicians and publishers, as well as the racist laws being put in place by equally racist groups such as the People’s Party of Denmark.

It’s been two years since the series of pictures were published in the blank Jyllands-Posten and still over two years later there are political aftershocks. Let us look at the current situation. Kurt Westergaard is being summoned by the Jordanian government to be tried for “blaspheming the Prophet Mohammed” and “sowing religious and sectarian discord.” Since when does the Jordanian dictatorship have jurisdiction over Denmark’s media and distribution? Since when does the Hashemite Jordanian monarchy give a damn about its impoverished people and their beliefs? More importantly why does a cartoonist have to explain his actions to another country? I can understand a civil explanation being asked of, but not one that has the weight of court systems, and the repercussions of jail time. Westergaard has done some incidental explaining though. When an obviously racist, culturalist, propaganda movie called Fitna came into production Westergaard reacted swiftly,

I complained publicly that he had abused my cartoon in his film. So we agreed that he pay me a kind of compensation, and he has removed the cartoon from the movie. I have no problems with him, but I don’t share his view.

When talking about sowing the seeds of discord maybe certain individuals should explain the burning of Dutch flags in Jordan. Did Westergaard burn Jordanian flags, did he criticize the faith of Jordanians? His illustration criticized those nihilistic individuals who have usurped Islam and its messages for the use of political terrorism.

Which he explained, was his original intentions. He has stated numerous times that he respects Islam. Kurt Westergaard most likely does not agree with me and my views regarding Hezbollah being a legitimate liberation army, or perhaps even worse he does not have empathy for the Palestinian struggle(s) and Hamas. But the actions taken against him are inexcusable and worst of all are politically fueling/inviting more Western oppression. (And yes I know economics are the driving forces of U.S.-Middle East military strategies but these actions fuel the rhetoric that legitimizes it.)

"We are so unhappy about the cartoon being reprinted," said Imam Mostafa Chendid, head of the Islamic Faith Community. "[But] no blood was ever shed in Denmark because of this, and no blood will be shed. We are trying to calm people down, but let's see what happens. Let's open a dialogue." The Islamic Faith Community had led the protests in Copenhagen in 2006

What Imam Mostafa Chendid is suggesting is the only rational reaction to Westergaard’s action. Why isn’t the majority of the left advocating a dialogue between the angry clerics and the perpetrators of blasphemies? I do not know the answer.

In February of this year Westergaard age 73 and his wife became homeless. This was due to the fact that the security forces watching over him considered him too much of a "risk." They were considered a security “risk.” If an Islamist leader or Muslim cleric advocates violence in self-defense against imperialism, or racist apartheids than we should enthusiastically support them. But when the charlatans (many if not all of the Ayatollahs in Iran are) are advocating the death of a cartoonist I think that’s when you need to stop listening. I think there should be a much more critical look at the overall Islamist scene when talking about the “Muslim” reaction to cultural phenomena. Many Islamist movements are totally reactionary, and the worst are completely counter-revolutionary i.e. Wahabbis, Taliban, al Queda, al Sadr. Organic struggle must be viewed as distinct from this other rubbish, and justified actions must be distinguished from unjustified reactions. Just because Muslims and Arabs have millions of political reasons to be infuriated does not justify what has happened or can happen to a petty cartoonist.

There is unbalance here due not to concrete realities but to idealized situations. There have been too many over-politicized and inflated reactions to a politically moderate cartoon. Westergaard seems sincere when he explains his intentions of depicting Islam as being usurped by a minority while the majority suffers. His life is being threatened on a near daily basis yet he refuses to apologize, why? I can only conclude that he believes in what he is saying. The left should not applaud all actions taken up by all Islamist movements, and should not always support all the actions of all Islamist groups. But it seems that I’m being a nit-picking critic, and I should be less sectarian. But can we not ask the same of our comrades in the Middle East? Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah the leader of Hezbollah urged his community and other countries to protest but immediately withdrew his enthusiasm when things became violent. He quickly called them off when the situation turned ugly with burning of the Dutch embassy. Hussein Fadlallah, the spiritual leader of the Shia in Lebanon followed suit with a fatwa banning attacks against private property and Western embassies. Even Nasrallah knows it’s a little too early to suppress counter-revolutionaries; we’re not quite at that stage yet.

(POST DISCALIMER: I do not claim to be an Islamist Movement scholar, nor do I pretend to fully understand all Islamist politics and history. I have a fractured understanding of the Middle East at best, my only excuse is that for the past 60 years the Middle East has become the most complicated political environment in modern history, and I am trying my best. Therefore I welcome anyone to enlighten me on the subject at any level. However I am firm in my stance in regards to Westergaard and his “detractors.”)

7 comments:

Jeff G said...

I can understand the concern you raise in your blog, but I must say I think it's headed into irrelevant territory at best, or the other side of the debate at worst.

Of course we socialists don't call for violent acts against individuals, but what this is really about is taking a principled stand against racism, not being non-violent on principle. If the latter is what you chose to emphasis, you find yourself in the company of crypto-racists like Bill O'Reily.

You may not agree that the cartoon was "calcuated", but given the context in Europe and the prevailing attitudes of Islam in the wake of the "war on terror", we must treat even cartoons as part of the ideological machinery that is set up against Muslims. Otherwise you end up uprooting things from their social basis.

The critical point is that we socialists take our side with the international working class, and not dwell on issues such as national jusidiciton or seeking to open a dialogue between the perpetrators of racism and the victims. Plus, I'm sure Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East do feel the difference in their lives between seeing a cartoon that offends their religion and experiencing occupation or bombings. However, both have their origins in imperialism.

Alexander said...

Very well put, Jeff. The reason the Left is generally uninterested in opening 'dialogue' between 'clerics' and 'blasphemers' is the same reason why we're uninterested in 'dialogue' between Palestinians and Israelis, the colonized and the colonizers.

Per your disclaimer, G, I'd like to nitpick a couple of your other points. I'm not trying to bust your balls, but maybe Steve or someone will step in again and call me a PC fascist or something anyway. Whatever. Anyway:

Did Westergaard burn Jordanian flags, did he criticize the faith of Jordanians?

Well, yes, he did criticize the faith of Jordanians, or at least the faith of the Muslims who make up 95% of Jordan's population. That's the whole point. There are many ways to make a point about a religion being 'hijacked' without resorting to something that's offensive to Muslims all over the political or religious spectrum. It doesn't matter if he claims to respect Islam; his actions speak much louder than his words. And the fact that he refuses to apologize is more proof of his Islamophobic contempt for Muslims than of anything else. Strom Thurmond never apologized for backing segregation; does that mean he deserves praise for being sincere and sticking to his guns?

I'm also curious as to why you lump in [Muqtada] al Sadr with groups like the Taliban or al Qaeda. Do you really think such a comparison is fair, and that the Sadrist movement is counterrevolutionary?

Alex G. said...

I actually think the cartoon is not racist. But, I think there is no question there are innumerable alternatives when it comes to expressing that viewpoint that wouldn't piss off a great deal of muslims. Of course the cartoon is/was completely non-constructive, but neither have been the reactions. Across the board Muslims here in America, Denmark, and in various countries in the Middle East have been upset by the illustration and I understand why...I just think the reaction was ridiculous in some instances. Take for instance Palestinians actions against Norway one of their larger allies in Europe who contribute millions to them.

I don't think we can realistically accuse Westergaard of being an occupier or colonist of any sort. But I do realize that in ideological terms he is in fact (whether he intends to be or not) apart of the anti-muslim machinery which supports some racist shit.(war, genocide, imperialism)

I don't think I'm dwelling on jurisdiction I just think, I dunno I want Islamist movements to succeed but sometimes (and very rarely) my reactionary atheist comes out and says wtf. Reacting this way doesn't make sense, in fact it is dangerous.

About Al Sadr, you're right A.J.
It not only is an unfair categorization, it is straight up inaccurate. al Qaeda,and Taliban have almost nothing in common with the Sadr movement. Both al Qaeda and the Taliban are top-down, tightly-knit conspirators, with some very conservative aspirations. the Muqtada though is a popular front for the most part, and the main opponent of U.S. occupation in Iraq.

However I think that it will inevitably (if it gains enough power) become a religious bureaucracy. Plus Naomi Klein wrote an article where she mentions how she got hassled by Mahdi soldiers for not wearing the right shit, and also how her translator got his back injured by an asshole soldier.

Tariq Ali also explains in an article in the Guardian that unlike Hezbollah which says it will construct an Islamic state when a majority demands it, Sadr and Sistani want to impose sharia. Imposition of course it not revolutionary. Sadr and his standing army is anti-imperialist for sure, but not revolutionary.

Back to religion though,
did he criticize the faith of Jordan? No. He didn't he drew a picture of a prophet of Islam (Islam translates to: submission to god, i.e. peace, purity, submission and obedience, but then again if you have to struggle for Islam you have to struggle I guess.)
But why aren't Muslims pissed off about pictures of Jesus everywhere? He is a prophet too...and what about all the Persian paintings of Mohammed back in the day?

I don't anyone is going to come to my rescue this round A.J.

Alexander said...

I actually think the cartoon is not racist.

I really don't think there is room to argue there. It's Muhammad with a bomb in his turban. You can think a cartoon of Little Black Sambo is not racist, or that the intention wasn't racist, but that doesn't make it any less racist...

I just think the reaction was ridiculous in some instances. Take for instance Palestinians actions against Norway one of their larger allies in Europe who contribute millions to them.

Norway is a large ally of the Palestinians? That's news to me. They are a key player in the Oslo accords and donate millions to the PLO, but that is true of Israel and the US as well. The Rodney King riots were not solely about one particular incident of racist police brutality; that was simply the catalyst for people expressing their rage at larger issues of racism. The same is true here; Muslims were reacting not just to an offensive, racist cartoon, but to broader issues of anti-immigrant, Islamophobic racism in Europe and elsewhere.

I don't think we can realistically accuse Westergaard of being an occupier or colonist of any sort.

I'm not saying that he personally is a colonist; it was an analogy. What I am saying is that in all of these issues there are clearly defined sides (oppressor and oppressed) and that he is indisputably on the side of the oppressors.

As for your comments about the Jaish al Mahdi and the Sadrist movement, I really don't think they are significantly different in their soldiers' attitudes on the ground, or their opinions about theocracy, than Hamas or Hezbollah, which you seem to be down with. Can you link me to the Guardian article you mentioned? I'd like to read it.

Back to religion though,
did he criticize the faith of Jordan? No. He didn't he drew a picture of a prophet of Islam


The picture is racist (and race-baiting) brah, there's no getting around that. Saying "I didn't know drawing Muhammad with a bomb in his turban would offend Muslims" is like saying "I didn't know this picture of a a black dude with huge lips eating a watermelon would offend black people."

But why aren't Muslims pissed off about pictures of Jesus everywhere? He is a prophet too...and what about all the Persian paintings of Mohammed back in the day?

Pictures of Jesus in a church weren't created to deliberately provoke and offend Muslims, unlike the cartoon in question. And the tradition of representing Muhammad in Persian art existed in a different legal and religious context than this cartoon. I could go on at length about the difference, but I think the most salient point is that at the time, there was general consensus in the Ummah (the Islamic world) that it was OK to depict the prophet Muhammad visually, but today there is general consensus (certainly not absolute consensus) of the opposite. Islam and Muslims are not static, and like any other religion they have changed over the years. In the Iconoclastic period of Christianity (during the Byzantine era) visual depictions of Jesus were considered blasphemous; today they are not.

Alex G. said...

+ Would a picture of Jesus with a bomb in his beard be racist?


I never had the delusion of the cartoon not offending muslims...
but I'm pretty much in a corner here.

Answer me this last question and we'll say I completely lost this sideways debate.

Here's Tariq Ali's article:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/feb/14/iraq.comment

Perhaps, but all the shit i've read and heard Nasrallah say seems to me, that he is interested in a broad united front against occupying forces. He is interested in working with Communists, progressives, and Druze,and Christians. He is pragmatic.
I need to read more about al Sadr though.

It seems the more I know about the dynamics of the Middle East the more quixotic black and white positions become.

Alexander said...

Would a picture of Jesus with a bomb in his beard be racist?

I don't know, but you understand why that's different, right? Depictions of Muhammad are inherently offensive to many Muslims; the same is not true of Jesus for Christians today. The mainstream discourse around Islam links Muslims with terrorism and claims Islam is violent; the same is not true of Christianity. If we were living in an era of massive Christian-bashing and the media was bombarding us with the message that Christians bomb people, then yes, I think it would be racist.

Thanks for the article. I don't really see Ali arguing that al Sadr wants to impose shari'a from above, but that he represents a movement that, if democratically elected, would implement shari'a. There's a crucial difference between someone wanting to impose an ideology on the people and someone representing a popular demand. You should read "Muqtada" by Patrick Cockburn; Jeff read it and I'm reading it now. I think you'll come to see al Sadr just as pragmatic as Nasrallah. He wants to build bridges with Sunnis and unite Iraqis against U.S. occupation. I think of him as someone who espouses pan-Islamic unity against the occupiers and colonialists, while at the same time maintaining his Shi'i identity - in this way, he's comparable to Khomeini, actually.

Sorry for my lengthy comments, I'm a total nerd for the Middle East and especially for Shi'a politics, and it's not often that I get a chance to run my mouth on this shit.

Bigmo said...

Schacht asserts that hadiths, particularly from Muhammad, did not form, together with the Qur'an, the original bases of Islamic law and jurisprudence as is traditionally assumed. Rather, hadiths were an innovation begun after some of the legal foundation had already been built. "The ancient schools of law shared the old concept of sunna or ‘living tradition’ as the ideal practice of the community, expressed in the accepted doctrine of the school." And this ideal practice was embodied in various forms, but certainly not exclusively in the hadiths from the Prophet. Schacht argues that it was not until al-Shafi`i that ‘sunna’ was exclusively identified with the contents of hadiths from the Prophet to which he gave, not for the first time, but for the first time consistently, overriding authority. Al-Shafi`i argued that even a single, isolated hadith going back to Muhammad, assuming its isnad is not suspect, takes precedence over the opinions and arguments of any and all Companions, Successors, and later authorities. Schacht notes that:

Two generations before Shafi`i reference to traditions from Companions and Successors was the rule, to traditions from the Prophet himself the exception, and it was left to Shafi`i to make the exception the principle. We shall have to conclude that, generally and broadly speaking, traditions from Companions and Successors are earlier than those from the Prophet.

Based on these conclusions, Schacht offers the following schema of the growth of legal hadiths. The ancient schools of law had a ‘living tradition’ (sunna) which was largely based on individual reasoning (ra'y). Later this sunna came to be associated with and attributed to the earlier generations of the Successors and Companions. Later still, hadiths with isnads extending back to Muhammad came into circulation by traditionists towards the middle of the second century. Finally, the efforts of al-Shafi`i and other traditionists secured for these hadiths from the Prophet supreme authority.

Goldziher maintains that, while reliance on the sunna to regulate the empire was favoured, there was still in these early years of Islam insufficient material going back to Muhammad himself. Scholars sought to fill the gaps left by the Qur'an and the sunna with material from other sources. Some borrowed from Roman law. Others attempted to fill these lacunae with their own opinions (ra'y). This latter option came under a concerted attack by those who believed that all legal and ethical questions (not addressed by the Qur'an) must be referred back to the Prophet himself, that is, must be rooted in hadiths.These supporters of hadiths (ahl al-hadith) were extremely successful in establishing hadiths as a primary source of law and in discrediting ra'y. But in many ways it was a Pyrrhic victory. The various legal madhhabs were loath to sacrifice their doctrines and so they found it more expedient to fabricate hadiths or adapt existing hadiths in their support. Even the advocates of ra'y were eventually persuaded or cajoled into accepting the authority of hadiths and so they too "found" hadiths which substantiated their doctrines that had hitherto been based upon the opinions of their schools’ founders and teachers. The insistence of the advocates of hadiths that the only opinions of any value were those which could appeal to the authority of the Prophet resulted in the situation that "where no traditional matter was to be had, men speedily began to fabricate it. The greater the demand, the busier was invention with the manufacture of apocryphal traditions in support of the respective theses."


In summary, Goldziher sees in hadiths "a battlefield of the political and dynastic conflicts of the first few centuries of Islam; it is a mirror of the aspirations of various parties, each of which wants to make the Prophet himself their witness and authority." Likewise,

Every stream and counter-stream of thought in Islam has found its expression in the form of a hadith, and there is no difference in this respect between the various contrasting opinions in whatever field. What we learnt about political parties holds true too for differences regarding religious law, dogmatic points of difference etc. Every ra'y or hawa, every sunna and bid`a has sought and found expression in the form of hadith.

And even though Muslim traditionalists developed elaborate means to scrutinize the mass of traditions that were then extant in the Muslim lands, they were "able to exclude only part of the most obvious falsifications from the hadith material." Goldziher, for all his scepticism, accepted that the practice of preserving hadiths was authentic and that some hadiths were likely to be authentic. However, having said that, Goldziher is adamant in maintaining that:

In the absence of authentic evidence it would indeed be rash to attempt to express the most tentative opinions as to which parts of the hadith are the oldest material, or even as to which of them date back to the generation immediately following the Prophet’s death. Closer acquaintance with the vast stock of hadiths induces sceptical caution rather than optimistic trust regarding the material brought together in the carefully compiled collections.









From Daniel Brown Muslim Scholar from America


The relevance of the past: classical conceptions of Prophetic authority

The word sunna predates the rise of Islam and is well attested in pre-Islamic sources. The word sunna was likely to be applied to Muhammad even during his lifetime (p8).

The Quran never mentions sunna-al-nabi (sunna of the Prophet). The application of the term sunna is likely to be post-Quranic, especially when applied exclusively to Muhammad.

Early muslims did not give precedence of Muhammad's sunna over other sunnas, such as the sunna of the early caliphs or early companions. The sunna term was not exclusive to Muhammad. There were no rigid distinctions about sources of religious law, i.e. it wasn't concrete that Muhammad's sunna could be used as a source of law.

Shafi was born in 204 AH (193 years after Prophet Muhammad's death). He was the first to argue the Prophet's sunna as a source of law, identified to authentic prophetic hadith, and give it an equal footing to The Quran. Different attitudes to sunna existed during Shafi, al-kalam (a particular group or school of thought) rejected hadith altogether in favour of The Quran alone. Shafi's view was also oppossed early by schools of jurisprudence in Hijaz, Iraq and Syria, who applied the term sunna to Muhammad, his companions and the early caliphs as well.
After Shafi, it is rare to find the term sunna applied to other than Muhammad. Al-kalam argued the sunna of Muhammad should never be allowed to rule on The Quran and described the science of hadith (as in the methods used to collect hadith) as arbitrary. Evidence of this was the hadith was filled with contradictory, blasphemous and absurd traditions. [top]

Challenges to the view of the organic relationship between The Quran and sunna are not completely unprecedented in the history of Islamic thought. Some of the opponents of Shafi argued that The Quran explains everything (e.g. 16:89) and needs no supplement, this was because one of Shafi's central arguments was the need to clarify The Quran. This opposing viewpoint was snuffed out after the triumph of the traditionist view. However and it was not until the 19th and 20th centuries that the argument was seriously revived. One of the reasons Daniel Brown gives for the defeat of the opponents of Shafi was that they could not deny the authority of the Prophet. If for example, you found a hadith that was truly authentic then there is no way you can deny it because as it states in The Quran the Prophet was a very good example. Also, Shafi emphasised that to obey the Prophet was to obey God. Under this pressure, the opponents of Shafi were defeated. Rarely does the author address how specific arguments were defeated unfortunately, which was the most disappointing aspect of this book.

The question arose: how is it possible to determine which hadith were authentic and which were not?

In the 19th and 20th centuries, increased criticism and scrutiny by Western scholars of Islam showed Muslims that the hadith could not stand up to the criticism, whilst The Quran could. It made Muslims look back on the hadith and reflect more and examine their basis and origin in Islam.

The authenticity of hadith

The great compilations of the hadith took place in the 3rd century AH (i.e. beginning about 189 years after Prophet Muhammad's death, with the 6 books being complete about 280 years after his death), p83. In the eyes of most Muslim scholars sahih (reliable/authentic) hadith could with a high degree of confidence be considered to represent the actual words and deeds of the Prophet. On the other hand, few scholars would have argued the system was full proof. Any information in the hadiths was no absolute truth, it had to be classified as conjecture. The opponents of the hadith at the start were a minority. It was not seriously questioned.
Goldziher was unquestionably the most important 19th century critic of hadith. He became the first scholar to subject the hadith to a systematic historical and critical method. His study was published in 1896. Joseph Schacht "origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence" in 1950 was published. Like Goldziher, he concluded that few, if any traditions originated with the Prophet.
Even the Prophet recognised that there were people among his companions or those living during his lifetime were spreading lies about him. This is testified to in a hadith in Bukhari (p85). There is documented evidence that the companions disagreed with each other and criticsed each other, for example Aisha and Ibn Abbas were reported to have criticised Abu Hurayra. A number of companions demanded evidence for the truth of reports passed onto them. Umar alledgedly questioned a report from Fatima bint Qays. Umar is also reported to have confined three companions to Medina to keep them from spreading traditions. Abu Huyrara was only with the Prophet for 3 years, yet he is alledged to have been the most prolific in transmitting hadith. Biographical literature provides ample material for criticism for Abu Huyrara's character, Umar called Abu Huyrara a liar for example. Aisha criticised Anas for transmitting traditions as he was only a child during the life of the Prophet. And Hassan called both Umar and Zubair liars.

The process of hadith transmission was primarily oral, at least through the first century. Even after written collections of hadith were compiled, oral transmission remained the ideal (p88). Abu Rayya argues that the late date when traditions began to be registered in written form more than 100 years after the Prophet's death became a major obstacle to the fidelity of hadith (p89). Emerged in final form only in the 3rd and 4th centuries

Those who argue that Muhammad's companions began to record hadith in writing during his lifetime must explain the Prophetic prohibition on writing of hadith. Contradictions within the hadith exist regarding this subject. (p91)

Under orders from Caliph Hisham, Shihab al-Zuhri was first assigned to collect hadith. This tradition has commonly been taken to mean that al-Zuhri, under duress, became the first traditionist to violate the Prophet's prohibition on recording hadith in writing. Al-Zuhri is reported to have said: "We disapproved of recording knowledge until these rulers forced us to do so. After that reason we saw no reason to forbid the Muslims to do so." In other words, before al-Zuhri writing was the rare exception; after him writing of traditions became commonplace. This argument is bolstered by numerous accounts that early generations of pious Muslims, including not only al-Zuhri and traditionists like him but also the first four Caliphs, strongly disapproved of writing hadith.
The evidence strongly suggests that early generations of Muslims did record traditions in writing, however having reports about written records is rather different than having the records themselves. Thus, the apparent aversion of pious Muslims to the recording of hadith should be interpreted as reluctance to record an official, public collection of hadith. (p92)

Scholars agree that forgery of hadith took place on a massive scale. The science of hadith developed gradually as a response to this problem. The early written compilations called suhuf were little more than random transcriptions or personal collections. Muslim sources identify the first systematic collection in recording of the hadith with the Ummad Caliph Umar and with the scholars Abu Bakr. No such collection has survived. The earliest systematic collection is the muttawata of Mailk bin Anas, 179 AH (168 years after Prophet Muhammad's death), p94. Isnad (checking of transmissions) was not applied until after the early 2nd century AH according to Schacht. The book studies in early hadith literature stated it was earlier than this. For middle ground see Juynboll: "Muslim tradition". Major works of hadith (p161 footnote 70).

According to some, forgers of hadith became active even during the lifetime of the Prophet. In the Caliphate of Umar, the problem became so serious that he prohibited transmission of hadith altogether. The degree of the problem that resulted can be seen from the testimony of the muhahadithin (those who collect hadith) themselves. Bukhari selected 9000 traditions out of 700 000 (p96). When Bukhari reports that he selected from over 700 000 traditions, he is counting every different transmission chain, even when the substance of the tradition are the same (p99). The point is that hadith criticism did not begin during the 3rd century but was practiced continually from the time of the companions onwards (p99).

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